Nuclear deterrence has been a cornerstone of U.S. defense since the end of World War II, seeking to protect the country’s security and that of its allies by threatening unacceptable damage to any country that might attack with nuclear weapons or by other means. Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been able to focus on reducing the role and number of nuclear weapons and strengthening nonproliferation. But now big changes are again afoot in the global context … will Russia’s current modernization of its nuclear arsenal and China’s buildup of strategic nuclear forces threaten the viability of the U.S. nuclear deterrent, including the extended deterrence the United States provides to its allies? Is arms control still possible?
China has historically maintained a “minimum” strategic nuclear deterrent but is now engaged in an unprecedented build up and diversification of its nuclear arsenal; a decade from now, it will match if not surpass the United States in deployed weapons. Russia is also upgrading its nuclear weapons, and in February “suspended” its adherence to the New START arms control treaty, which limits U.S. and Russian strategic nuclear weapons to 1,550 deployed warheads each.
What are China’s and Russia’s objectives in accelerating their nuclear weapons programs? How do their nuclear policies relate to their grand strategies and other military activities, such as the war in Ukraine for Russia, and the Chinese buildup of naval forces in the Pacific, and to their perceptions or misperceptions of United States activities? What are the implications for U.S. and world security? To maintain deterrence, will the United States be compelled to match the nuclear arsenals of both Russia and China? What do U.S. allies want and need from the United States and what can they contribute to deterrence?
What are the prospects for arms control, or other strategies to place limits on this potential new nuclear arms race? Do new technologies, such as those for homeland missile defense, offer some escape from the dilemmas of nuclear deterrence?
About the Speakers
Brad Roberts is the director of the Center for Global Security Research at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, where he recently chaired a study group on China’s emergence as a second nuclear peer of the United States. Prior to this position, he was deputy assistant secretary of defense for nuclear and missile defense policy. Dr. Roberts was also a consulting professor at Stanford University and William Perry Fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation.
Thomas Fingar is a Shorenstein APARC Fellow in the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. From 2005 through 2008, he served as the first deputy director of national intelligence for analysis and, concurrently, as chairman of the National Intelligence Council. Dr. Fingar served previously as assistant secretary of the State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research.
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Content
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30.1 -> Hello, everyone.
31.9 -> I'm Gloria Duffy, president
and CEO of the Commonwealth Club.
35.433 -> And welcome to our discussion this evening
38.5 -> of the uncertain future
of nuclear deterrence.
43.366 -> Nuclear deterrence is a dangerous, nerve
wracking concept
47.566 -> brought about by the development
of nuclear weapons,
50.9 -> also known by the striking terms
54 -> such as the balance of terror
or mutual assured destruction.
58.033 -> It's the way the U.S.
59.3 -> and Russia essentially hold one
another hostage.
63.333 -> As terrible as deterrence
is, it's been relatively stable
67.2 -> since World War two,
70.3 -> preventing reckless behavior
72.133 -> that could result in nuclear destruction.
76.133 -> Now, however, there are
a number of new factors to consider.
81.733 -> Russia is engaging in the modernization
of its nuclear forces,
85.833 -> and it has implied that it could use
nuclear weapons
89.7 -> in the conflict in the
in Ukraine under certain circumstances.
95.166 -> China is engaged
in a major buildup of its nuclear forces
98.6 -> from a small deterrent to a large force
equal to those of the U.S.
103.7 -> and Russia.
105.433 -> Many arms control
106.5 -> agreements are best way to manage
the nuclear danger.
110.533 -> For the past
seven decades have been abandoned.
114.5 -> Will these developments destabilize
the nuclear balance?
118.4 -> And what should the U.S.
119.7 -> do in response here to discuss this
122.9 -> very challenging situation are two experts
126.133 -> on security,
nuclear weapons, deterrence and China.
130.4 -> Brad Roberts and Tom Finger.
133.733 -> Tom Finger is Shorenstein,
a professor at the Freeman Spogli
137.7 -> Institute of International Studies
at Stanford University,
141.766 -> a China expert and career
intelligence community leader.
145.5 -> He served as chair of the U.S.
147.7 -> National Intelligence Council.
150.466 -> Also with us is Brad Roberts,
152.333 -> director of the Center for Global Security
Research at the Lawrence Livermore
156.233 -> National Laboratory,
where he recently chaired a study group
160.533 -> on China's emergence
as a nuclear peer of the United States.
165.5 -> Previously, he served as Deputy Assistant
167.666 -> Secretary of Defense
for nuclear and missile defense policy.
172.2 -> Brad and
172.666 -> Tom will each make some remarks
followed by discussion.
176.666 -> Please. Those who are watching tonight
179.166 -> put your questions and comments
in the YouTube chat.
182.4 -> I will relay them to our guests
and we'll have a good discussion.
185.966 -> So I'm going to turn first to Brad Roberts
for some opening comments.
191.066 -> Gloria, thanks so much
for putting this together for us tonight.
194.466 -> Thank you for the opportunity
to participate.
197.7 -> I should also begin by making clear
that the
201 -> personal views
I express are my personal views.
203.766 -> I'm not here representing my employer
or any of its sponsors.
209.4 -> As I thought about this event tonight.
212.333 -> It occurred to me that it's
been a long time since we Americans
216.7 -> have had a a deep and broad conversation
about nuclear weapons.
221.7 -> When the
222 -> Cold War
ended, we put them on the back burner.
225.766 -> We stopped thinking about them.
227.366 -> We stop worrying about them very much.
230.066 -> There were moments of anxiety
with Al-Queda
234.233 -> and Iran and North Korea, but generally
they've been in the background.
238.533 -> And that's because when the Cold War
ended, major changes
242.466 -> in the security environment
245.966 -> made possible big changes in our nuclear
248.333 -> policy and posture.
251.5 -> And one chapter ended and another began.
256.066 -> Well, in today's circumstances,
we're we're at the end of another chapter.
261.1 -> We're at the end of that chapter
that began in the early 1990s.
265.433 -> And a new chapter has begun.
267.766 -> And I think it's going
to have implications, at least as wide
270.966 -> ranging for our policy and our posture
274.366 -> as the end of the Cold War.
276.666 -> The difficulty, of course,
is that the Cold War made it possible
279.466 -> to do a lot of things that we wanted to do
282.933 -> and the nuclear policy around.
285.266 -> We wanted to reduce the role and number
and salience of nuclear weapons.
290.033 -> We wanted to deepen the arms
control process.
293.366 -> We wanted to expand the arms
control process.
296.4 -> And we wanted to not spend money
modernizing these weapons.
301.066 -> And we
were able to do all of those things.
303.2 -> And today's circumstance,
we face a number of
307.133 -> implications and challenges
309 -> that are unpleasant for us to contemplate.
313.233 -> Let me make this case a little more
316.666 -> clearly.
317.333 -> At the end of the Cold War,
319.8 -> of course, relations
321.666 -> among the major powers
improved dramatically.
325.466 -> And in the 1990 as well,
328.766 -> let's put it this way,
the administration of
332.333 -> President George
W Bush issued a national security strategy
335.733 -> which said we were in a moment
of unprecedented opportunity historically
340.5 -> to move major power relations
onto a new footing of common interests,
345.333 -> common responsibilities,
and increasingly common values,
350.7 -> which is that we're a long way away.
353.933 -> We've gone from partnership
357 -> to competition to rivalry
360.266 -> to outright aggression
by Russia in pursuit of its revisionist
364.5 -> or a President Putin's revisionist agenda.
368.133 -> And, of course, in this revisionist
agenda, President Putin
372.066 -> has given a central place
to nuclear weapons and nuclear war.
377 -> He considers them the primary
379.466 -> instruments of Russian national power.
382.566 -> And he he brags
repeatedly about having kept
385.866 -> Russia's nuclear power powder dry
during a long period
390.366 -> when Russian weakness
was exploited by the West.
394.766 -> And he's developed a military
strategy that involves,
400.933 -> quote, nuclear scalpels for
402.733 -> every military problem in Europe, unquote,
406.633 -> who might be employed on a limited basis
409.5 -> to, quote, sober but not enrage
413.466 -> his enemies.
416.466 -> And, of course, we've been shaken
in our thinking about deterrence of Russia
420.7 -> by the miscalculations
that President Putin has made over
424.4 -> Ukraine.
427.8 -> Secondly, China,
430.566 -> of course, in the 1990s,
432.633 -> China was an afterthought
in the nuclear discussion.
435.6 -> China was a country
436.466 -> with 20 nuclear tipped missiles
capable of reaching the United States.
441.2 -> It has a no first use policy.
443.5 -> Wasn't
spending much money on modernization,
446.7 -> and the political relationship
between China and the West seemed to be
450.566 -> more or less headed in the right
direction, albeit slowly.
455.6 -> And of course, in today's world,
458.633 -> President Xi and Putin
see eye to eye about the problems
462 -> presented to them by the world order
dominated by the United States.
468.366 -> And apparently, Mr.
470.6 -> President, Xi has had
473.1 -> a change of heart about nuclear weapons
because he's pursued
477.033 -> the largest peacetime
build up of nuclear weapons by China.
480.866 -> It's a buildup.
482.233 -> It's a modernization.
483.966 -> It's a diversified nation building.
486.333 -> No new types of weapons
for different roles.
490.933 -> And of course,
493.566 -> we don't know
495.133 -> what role these might play
in a conflict over Taiwan.
498.8 -> And we don't know what President
502.4 -> Xi might consider
to be enough nuclear weapons.
507.033 -> We hope that all he's motivated by
is a sprint to parity.
511.533 -> But he's also talked about developing
a military posture consistent with China's
516.733 -> place, quote, at the center of the world
stage
520.3 -> in the dominant position.
524.066 -> A third part of the chapter that began
when the Cold War ended
528.766 -> and is now ending is our optimism
about nuclear nonproliferation.
533.9 -> In 1995 to great fanfare,
the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty was
539.933 -> given a
540.766 -> new lease on life, and there seemed to be
some headway among the permanent
545.7 -> five members of the Security Council
in dealing with
549.733 -> the proliferation challenges.
553.2 -> And of course, in today's world, North
Korea has long since crossed the nuclear
558.1 -> threshold and appears well on the way
to having a small nuclear arsenal
563.133 -> of many dozens of weapons and perhaps
a couple of hundreds of weapons.
567.066 -> We don't we don't know.
569.5 -> The North Korean leader expressed
a commitment to a, quote, substantial
573.733 -> buildup of tactical nuclear weapons
576.9 -> in the years ahead.
581.266 -> Fourthly,
583.2 -> our allies
585.333 -> in the 1990,
as our allies were newly safe and secure
589 -> and at peace with the Cold War ended.
595.333 -> Many of them don't feel that way anymore.
597.566 -> Many of them feel
599.7 -> in the nuclear crosshairs
601.833 -> of North Korea or China or Russia
605.366 -> and the objects of their strategies
to try to separate
609.133 -> America's
allies from each other and from America.
613.7 -> And thus we have worried South
Korean allies talking about nuclear
619 -> needs of their own and European
allies talking about
623.333 -> how to strengthen
external nuclear deterrence.
627.466 -> So in
the 1990, as many things became possible
630.533 -> because of positive developments
in the security environment
634.3 -> became possible
from a nuclear perspective.
637.233 -> And in today's world,
639.666 -> many things are becoming necessary
641.9 -> because of unwelcomed developments
in the security environment.
647 -> And let me close
with just comments on three, three points
650.5 -> about things that have become necessary.
654.333 -> One is that despite our best efforts
657.9 -> political, diplomatic and otherwise,
662.2 -> the arms control regime,
as you rightly noted, Korea
666.466 -> is in collapse.
669.166 -> The bilateral US-Russian regime
672.433 -> has one one piece left in its
675 -> and Russia has essentially suspended
its participation.
679.133 -> The European arms control regime
that was in place in 1990 is gone.
683.8 -> And the multilateral
687.2 -> NPT, chemical weapons
convention and Biological Weapons
691.166 -> Convention regime is under great stress
695.7 -> with the fact that Russia is essentially
698.5 -> a non-compliant,
major power violating the treaties.
707.1 -> And so we're entering a period
where the potential for arms
709.766 -> racing is clear,
but where America's capacity to compete
714.3 -> is very constrained
by many investment decisions already made
720.5 -> to two more points.
722.633 -> We also face the need to strengthen
extended nuclear deterrence.
727.066 -> Our allies in both Europe
and Asia are seeking
730.3 -> stronger nuclear protection
from the United States.
734.7 -> We've tried to do this
essentially on the cheap.
737.766 -> At the end of the Cold War, we brought
all of our nuclear weapons home from Asia
741.866 -> and 97% of them from Europe.
744.966 -> And that that we could extend deterrence
746.866 -> to our allies
with our strategic nuclear forces.
750.466 -> And they're just not assured.
753.933 -> And finally, for 30 years,
we could avoid decisions
757.466 -> about
whether to modernize our nuclear forces.
761.433 -> And we're in a situation today
where they, the newest
764.833 -> B-52 flying the nuclear mission,
entered into force in 1961.
769.8 -> The newest Minuteman
missile, which was supposed to last
772.3 -> for ten years,
the newest one into the ground in 1971.
777.933 -> The list goes on.
778.966 -> We we face a choice
between modernizing and disarming.
784.7 -> And no one wants to make that choice.
789.266 -> And these are all politically unpopular
792.033 -> problems that we now face.
794.7 -> So with that, let we hope of help
stimulate some interesting discussion.
798.4 -> Thanks so much
for the opportunity, Gloria.
800.833 -> Thank you, Brad.
801.766 -> And now moving on, Tom.
803.533 -> Over to you.
805.533 -> Thank you, Gloria.
806.4 -> Thank you
807.266 -> to you and the Commonwealth Club
for initiating this important discussion.
812.966 -> I will build on the points
816.166 -> that Brad has pointed to,
819.366 -> but frame it with an observation
822.266 -> that actually I'm quite
sure Brad would agree with that.
825.8 -> For deterrence to be effective,
it has to be based
829.233 -> on a correct understanding
of those we seek to deter.
834 -> Now that
835.4 -> as we talk about the risks
838.466 -> nuclear risk posed by by Russia, China,
842.966 -> North Korea
845.1 -> and more indirectly India, Pakistan,
849.933 -> that understanding their
854.7 -> motivations and their concerns
858.4 -> has to be a part of your equation.
860.266 -> And one of the things that has
863.633 -> eroded or evaporated
865.9 -> in the years
since the demise of the Soviet Union
869.9 -> is the understanding
871.8 -> that the Russians
and the Chinese had of us
875.2 -> and our understanding of them,
878.733 -> that the factors that developments
red identifies with sort of
883.8 -> shaking up the playing
all the pieces on the game board
887.866 -> exist in all three capitals
and all are responsible
893.1 -> for reconceptualize
895.866 -> and adapting to to new conditions,
simply characterizing what
904.6 -> Russia is attempting to do
or reputed to be doing.
909.3 -> And the same for China in accordance
with the prevailing narrative
914.133 -> about the motivations in these two places,
or the characteristics
918.6 -> of the regime as revisionist, for
example, is really not very helpful
924.5 -> because it doesn't get at
927.533 -> what they think they are doing
and why they think
930.533 -> it's necessary or desirable to do that.
934 -> So in the next few minutes, I want to
936.933 -> analyze or explain
939.3 -> in very, very brief detail
941.866 -> what I see
as motivations of Russia and China.
946 -> And to explain what I think they are doing
948.6 -> is not to excuse what they're doing
951.3 -> or to denigrate its importance like that.
954.833 -> These developments cause real challenges
for the United States
960.166 -> may turn first to Russian thinking
962.3 -> and developments.
965.2 -> For decades, the United States
and first Soviet Union and Russia
970.133 -> had similar understanding of deterrence